The Place of Haiti in the Pan-African Imagination and the Imperatives of Engagement

Haiti occupies a special place in the Pan-African imagination as the first country to gain independence in the Americas under Black rule. The Haitian revolution profoundly altered the history of the Americas, brought to an end slavery in Haiti itself and expedited its demise elsewhere in the Atlantic world, and inspired nationalist revolutions across the Caribbean and South America. Today, however, Haiti is mostly known for its underdevelopment and dictatorships, a trajectory that arose from the legacies of the revolution itself and the machinations of Haiti's powerful regional neighbors including the United States and former colonial power, France, as well as the failures of the country's own political class.

 

One of the saddest realities in the Pan-African world is its balkanization, the fact that all too often peoples of African descent know little about each other's histories, let alone take the effort to visit each other's countires or  communities even when they have the means to do so. As a consequence they sometimes hold quite damaging and dangerous stereotypes about each other as is quite apparent among the three groups of African diasporas in the United States: the African-born residents, diasporans from the Caribbean and Afro-Latin America, and African Americans.

 

I am always astonished, although the reasons are not a mystery, when I meet prominent African American academics and other elites who have never been to Africa and have no intention of doing so, and  immigrant African professionals in the United States who have no dealings with African Americans and have no desire to do so beyond the unavoidable. This willful avoidance and ignorance is evident in Africa itself as I have experienced living or visiting different countries over the years and in other parts of the diaspora as I have seen during my ongoing research on African diasporas globally which took me to Haiti itself for a month in the summer of 2007, and has over the last four years taken me to other countries in the Caribbean, South and North America, Europe and now Asia.

 

In this context, the commentaries and debate below among two Kenyans are quite unusual in so far as they seek to engage the history and propects of a country in the diaspora outside the major powers such as the United States, Britain or France . One of them also betrays another all too common attitude in the Pan-African world: the we're-better-than-they're syndrome that one encounters across Africa and in the diaspora which often reflects ignorance and is unproductive. PT Zeleza, Editor, The Zeleza Post  

 

Commemorating Haiti: A Revolutionary History By Kimani Waweru

From Pambazuka News April 30, 2009

 

I will try to relate Haiti's experience to our own so as to learn from this country's weaknesses and strengths. By doing this, we will be able to understand the root causes of problems bedevilling Kenya and the Third World. Knowing the cause of these problems will enable us to tackle and solve them.

 

Haiti has featured prominently in world news for a number of years, most of the time for negative reasons. A few months ago, a hurricane swept some parts of the country, causing great damage. Over 100 people lost their lives. As one of the poorest countries in the Caribbean - about 80 per cent of the population survives on less than two dollars a day, and a half of its population on less than a dollar a day - Haiti's health facilities are in a pathetic state. A large percentage of the population is unable to feed its families. Nonetheless, one questions why a country blessed with a good climate and agricultural opportunities experiences such life-threatening issues. It is paramount to revisit Haiti's historical trajectory in order to understand the nation's current instability.

 

Before invasion by foreigners, Haiti belonged to a group of people called Taíno, meaning ‘men of the good'. Arriving from Spain, Christopher Columbus was the first foreigner to set foot on the island. It is frequently claimed that Columbus ‘discovered' the island in 1492, indicating that the indigenous Taínos he encountered were not human beings. Columbus invited Spanish colonial settlers to exploit Haiti's wealth, particularly gold, enslaving Taínos within their own land. The Spanish colonialists proceeded to brutally exterminate the entire Taíno population, creating a shortage of human labour. Thus, in 1503 the colonialists brought black people from Spain to work in Haiti's mines.

 

When the French arrived in Haiti in 1625, conflict arose between them and the Spaniards over Haiti's wealth. The fight ended in the signing of the Ryswick Treaty in 1697. The treaty gave France control over Haiti, which was known as Saint-Domingue at the time. To exploit Haiti's wealth, France embarked on a mass importation of slaves from Africa. The slaves were forced to work under extreme conditions to produce wealth, which solely benefited the slave masters.

 

Black slaves did not sit around waiting for the messiah to save them or hoping to get sympathy from the slave masters, rather they demonstrated resistance in various ways. For example, some took to the mountains where they attacked and killed slave masters. This rebellion culminated in the rise of an inspirational leader called Toussaint L'Ouverture. L'Ouverture organised an army of slaves which terrorised French exploiters. Because of his leadership, slaves believed in themselves and were able to fight with determination.

 

To end the resistance, the French tricked L'Ouverture into agreeing a deal and subsequently arrested him in 1802. He was taken to prison in France, where he died of pneumonia. Haiti's slave population did not despair; they continued with the fight.

 

By 1 January 1804, Haiti became the first black country, and the second in the world - after the United States - to regain independence, under the leadership of Jean-Jacques Dessalines, who had taken over from L'Ouverture.

 

Upon taking over, Dessalines ordered the killing of Frenchmen who remained in Haiti. This action angered the international community, particularly the US and Western Europe, illustrated through a refusal to recognise this newly founded government.

 

Haiti assisted, and expressed solidarity with Latin American countries struggling for freedom. The great Latin American liberator, Simon Bolívar was once granted asylum in Haiti. In 1825, under the leadership of President Jean-Pierre Boyer, Haiti surrendered to France's demand of 150 million francs as compensation for controlling resources which purportedly belonged to French citizens following independence. The previous ruling regimes had refused France's demand. This capitulation led to Haiti's dependence on France. Boyer was eventually overthrown in 1843.

 

During the leadership of Jean Vibrun Guillaume Sam in 1915, the US invaded Haiti and occupied the country for 19 years, ostensibly because Vibrun had killed 167 political prisoners. Thereafter, the US ruled Haiti through proxies, and even pushed for the amendment of an article in Haiti's constitution banning foreigners from owning Haitian land.

 

After the US left the country in 1934, there followed several leaders, with the election of François Duvalier in 1957 garnering the most attention due to the president's infamous anti-people policies. Prior to his presidency, Duvalier excelled in articulating issues affecting common people. In 1963, he entrenched himself as the future of Haiti's leadership by changing the constitution to ensure he maintained his presidential position for life. He died in 1971, and his son Jean-Claude Duvalier, whom he had designated as his heir, was made president at the age of 19.

 

As the younger Duvalier continued to operate according to policies implemented by his father, he failed to bring the change highly sought after by Haitians, leading many to become dissatisfied with the Duvalier dynasty and expressing a desire to depose it.

 

Under the leadership of a Catholic priest called Jean-Bertrand Aristide, peasants, urban workers and members of the petty bourgeoisie took to the street demanding Duvalier's resignation. Aristide was the leader of the Fanmi Lavalas, a movement which played a crucial role in the uprising.

 

On 7 February 1986, Jean-Claude Duvalier gave in to mounting pressure, resigned and fled the country, marking the conclusion of this loathed dynasty.

 

From 1986 to 1990, Haiti was ruled by provisional governments, which amended the constitution. In the first election under the new constitution held in 1990, Aristide emerged the victor with 67 per cent of the votes cast. This election was perceived as the first free and fair election in the history of Haiti. The US was uncomfortable with Aristide because of his combination of liberation theology and anti-capitalist rhetoric, thus the American government chose to support Aristide's opponent, a former World Bank official, Marc Bazin.

 

The US approved of a death squad called FRAPH, implemented to destabilise the Aristide government. The destabilisation led to Aristide's overthrow in September 1991 in which the US secretly backed a military coup. General Raoul Cedras, named chief of general staff of Haiti's army by Aristide, did exactly what Joseph Mobutu had done to the Congolese leader Patrice Lumumba in the early 1960s, cooperating with the US to overthrow the country's leader. Poor people did not take this lightly and poured into the streets to protest. Their protests were mercilessly crushed by the military regime. It is estimated that under this military reign approximately 7,000 people were killed.

 

Because of the oppression and economic hardship that followed, many people fled to the US using motor boats. Most of them were deported back to Haiti. The US government had to encourage Haiti's military regime to step down and let Aristide complete his term. The United Nations Security Council backed the removal of the military regime.

 

The US government set conditions which the Aristide government had to honour upon returning to power. These conditions included complying with IMF and World Bank conditionalities, co-opting former officials of the Duvalier dictatorship and accepting to complete the term without seeking re-election at its conclusion. Acceptance of these conditions made Aristide unpopular among his supporters, since his compliance affected them negatively. When Aristide's term culminated in 1996, he persuaded his friend, Rene Preval, to run for president under the Lavalas party. Preval won the election with 88 per cent of votes.

 

Due to party differences there was a split between the two friends, which led to Aristide forming a breakaway movement called Lavalas Family. When the next election was held in 2000 and was boycotted by the opposition, Aristide emerged triumphantly with 90 per cent of votes.

 

To counter the Democratic Convergence coalition and Group 184 formed by the US and Haitian ruling classes to destabilise him, Aristide relied on in his Chimères security force, comprised of lumpenproletariat, namely, the impoverished from Haiti's slums. This force attacked Aristide's opponents, who in turn formed similar forces to counterattack. Knowing that they could not beat Aristide in a fair election, his opponents formulated excuses, suggesting that the 2000 elections were irregular. Aristide's opponents were fully supported by the US and other Western countries, who suspended foreign aid to the Aristide government as a symbol of protest around unfair elections. The suspension of aid was meant to turn Haitians against Aristide.

 

By February things had turned from bad to worse; the US capitalised on this downturn, and facilitated another coup which involved abducting Aristide and his family then flying them to the Central African Republic (CAR). The US insisted that they were helping Aristide since he had resigned. Aristide was later given political asylum in South Africa where he resides to date. The chief justice of the Supreme Court, Boniface Alexandre, took over the government in accordance with Haiti's constitution, and invited UN peacekeepers to participate in the governance of Haiti. Supporters of Aristide took to the streets to demand his reinstatement, but were confronted by the peacekeeping force. This confrontation continued for several years, costing many injuries and deaths.

 

The interim government finally held elections on February 2006; Preval won with 51 per cent of the vote, albeit amidst allegations that he had not in fact gathered the 50 per cent needed for one to be declared president. Preval remains in power today. His neoliberal policies are geared to satisfying the interests of the West, such as through privatisation.

 

It is in the best interests of Kenyans to learn from Haiti's tumultuous history and present experiences.

 

Firstly, blindly following Western rhetoric can be catastrophic to people of any Third World country. Any government seeking to succeed must prioritise the interests of its own people, especially the poor majority. Looking at Haiti, we realise that the country's problems are a result of its leaders playing as stooges of the West. Aristide tried to focus on his people's needs, but betrayed them upon his return after the first coup.

 

Secondly, imperialism survives through the exploitation of Third World countries - every means will be implemented to destroy a country which endeavours to follow an alternative way of production and distribution of wealth. In the case of Haiti, the United Nations Stabilization Mission in Haiti (MINUSTAH) is purportedly used to maintain peace and the status quo.

 

Thirdly, in the struggle for social justice it is very important for people to differentiate between enemies and friends. Only then will they know the tactics to use against their enemies, and how to work effectively with friends. For example, when the imperialist US collaborated with the local ruling comprador class to remove Aristide, the Haitian president failed to improve the livelihoods of the poor, who represented the backbone of his support. Instead, Aristide allowed them to use the tactics used by lumpenproletariat against the people. He should have realised that unless you contribute to the development of the lumpen class it can be difficult to succeed. This class tends to waver between the exploiters and oppressed, because they have been dehumanised by the state and become ideologically bankrupt. Aristide failed to use the workers and the progressive petty bourgeoisie. In fighting for social justice, workers are key to any struggle and a failure to involve them will inevitably lead to defeat.

 

Lastly, organisation is critical. For any struggle to succeed it has to be led by an organised group of people. This is precisely the reason why Aristide used his Lavalas movement in dislodging the Duvalier dynasty from power. Another key element which coalesces with organisation is ideology: one may be organised but nevertheless fail to lead the struggle to total victory because of lack of clear ideology. One has to adopt a pro-poor or a revolutionary ideology. Such ideology states that things keep on changing, thus one must examine society the way it is, not the way we think it is.

 

In conclusion, I will return to the current situation of most Third World countries, including both Kenya and Haiti. Exploiters usually make us believe that we cannot change the status quo. Although wealth is socially produced, it ultimately ends up in the hands of a few people who own capital. However, if we adopt a revolutionary theory as a guide in our work we will realise that this is false. By applying revolutionary theory, the oppressed can liberate themselves from the chain of neocolonialism.

 

They'd Love To Be In Our Shoes Kenyans Have Benefitted From Opportunities Countries Like Haiti Can Only Dream of By Anne M. Khaminwa

From Pambazuka News June 4, 2006

 

A recent issue of Pambazuka featured an account of an event in Kenya where activist Kimani Waweru introduced a general audience to the history of Haiti. Waweru called on Kenyans to learn from and emulate Haiti's long history of struggle against the French. Haiti had achieved independence in 1804, bringing an end to slavery and making it the first black republic, presumably in the past half a century.

 

One has to ask the question though, what good has being first done for the people of Haiti? Today Haiti is one of the poorest nations in the world, whose people endure an oppressive superstitious culture. In order to improve their lot, Haitians find themselves risking life and limb to flee that island nation and reach the United States, Canada and safer parts of the Caribbean. Haitians are well known in the United States for being hard workers, but this is in the context of a Western economic and political system.

 

The island of Haiti is also beset by environmental problems, including the effects of the deforestation of its mountainous countryside. Without tree roots to hold the soil in place, or foliage to lessen the effects of sun and rain, large areas of the country can no longer support cultivation. Clearly subsistence agriculture cannot be sustained when environmental degradation takes place.

 

A social climate of violence and lawlessness combined with constant political upheaval make Haiti unfavourable not only for its own people but also for Western investment. Furthermore, past Haitian governments have pursued policies that discouraged foreign investment. In recent years, Haitian immigrants, upon returning to their home countries, are often set upon by bandits as they leave the airport. The bandits hope to profit from whatever gifts and funds the immigrants are returning with.

 

The question is, does racial or ethnic chauvinism offer a better future to a country like Kenya? Note the use of the term ‘better'. One suspects that anti-Western political rhetoric often comes from those who believe that somewhere out there, there is a another path than the one we are currently on. No one ever seems to consider the possibility that change would make things worse and that possibly, Kenyans have one of the best deals out there. What if the problem is, to paraphrase Shakespeare, not in the West but rather in ourselves? Kenyans have benefited from education and development opportunities that countries like Haiti can only dream of. We are so used to hating ourselves and what we have that we don't seem to realise that others would love to be in our shoes. As a Jamaican once put it, ‘This island is goat space. We are not goats, we are men'. I do not remember where I read this quote but the point is, there are a lot of people out there discontented with their situation. What if in fact what we have is one of the world's best kept secrets?

 

Historically, the world's civilisations have flourished by reaching out across national, ethnic and racial boundaries to benefit from trade and innovative ideas and practices. Does Kenya have a culture that supports and promotes innovation, invention, problem-solving, production, manufacturing, and risk taking? What are our thoughts on equality and fairness? Do we respect each other's humanity?

 

Kenyans have been fortunate to receive excellent education and access to Western cultures and economies that allow those who have the chance the ability to be part of the multinational institutions and businesses that dominate the world economy. For a small nation on the edge of the Indian Ocean, Kenya has an impressive level of name recognition around the world. Kenyans have had the opportunity to travel all over the world and benefit from those experiences. Instead of remaining stuck in the colonial discourse of earlier decades, Kenyans should be fired up with ambition and vision of what we can make of the future given all the opportunities we have already had.

 

The Caribbean and South America are littered with decaying buildings, monuments and indeed entire cities that were once flourishing hives of commerce and civilisation but that have long since fallen to ruin and been swallowed up by the jungle. These were the benefits that Western colonialism brought to their countries. Do we not risk importing the germs of this loss into our country at precisely the time when we are set to benefit most from our encounter with the West? And to what end? So that we may become even more impoverished, oppressed, degraded and downtrodden?

 

The people of Haiti can trace their African origins to several different countries on the continent. They also count the native Amerindians, the Taino, among their ancestors. The Spanish encountered the Taino when they arrived on the island of Hispaniola (on which Haiti and the Dominican Republic are situated) at the end of the fifteenth century. For some reason, the Taino awakened in the Spaniards such a vicious hatred that they were almost entirely wiped out in the next two decades. The Spaniards then proceeded to import slaves from Northwest Africa and later West and Central Africa to repopulate the territories they had devastated. This would later become the Atlantic Slave trade.

 

The Haitian Vodun culture commemorates several of these African ‘roots' in its Radas or branches. The Nago (formerly of Yoruba), the Dahome, the Rara/Allada, the Kongo and the Banda. The Rara/Allada for one were, before their being brought to the Americas as slaves, part of what by all accounts was a sadistic brutal society in Dahomey. Regardless, Africa is of such metaphysical importance to the Haitian vodunists that it is where Ginen their heaven is located, the home to which they believe they will ascend at death. Ginen refers to the Guinea confederacy that for a period brought together several of the nations along the West African coast. Also brought to Hispaniola were Moors, the African allies of the North African Muslims, who had occupied Spain between 800AD and 1492. Safe to say that between the Moors and the Spaniards, there was history.

 

We may never know exactly why it is that God saw fit to disperse these peoples to the winds with the agency of European intervention. It was Bartolomeo de las Casas, a Spanish Dominican priest who recommended to the Spanish Queen Isabella that slaves from Africa be brought to the Americas. Suffice it to say that they were changed by this diaspora. Hadn't one better be careful about entangling oneself in a history that by God's grace, one's predecessors were largely saved from? Given the destructive role that vodun has played in Haiti's plight, shouldn't one be even more careful? Don't we have enough of our own problems?

 

I recall in African student communities in the US hearing arguments about whether Westernisation was keeping us away from another future. Some mythical unknown present that we could have had if only. One suspects that these discussions were more sentimental than anything, acts of nostalgia by those pining for the homes they had left to pursue a higher education. Do the youth trapped in villages engage in such flights of fancy, or what about the slum dwellers who themselves have only recently fled the countryside? These discussions among those of us who had benefited most from Western development of our countries, flourished in the ignorance many of us had about our own cultures and societies. There are in fact plenty of examples of what happens when black people are left to themselves. Whether it is in Africa, or the blighted inner cities of America, many of which were for a period of time presided over by black mayors, or the American South during the period of Reconstruction, or the banana republics of the Caribbean. Clearly without Western participation, things do not work.

 

Isn't it time we owned up to this basic failure on our part, instead of constantly retreating to these mythical fantasies? So far it seems that Kenyatta was right. That the darkness was best left behind and that the future lay in friendship and alliances with those in the international community who were willing to help. Shouldn't we be thankful we have those opportunities? Isn't it up to us to make the best of the future with what we have already been given?